Fidel Castro – Page 3 – The Pull Of The Land

Understanding the Cuba – Venezuela Nexus V: Fidel’s Revenge III

August 18, 2021August 18, 2021 Richard Barnes

“The ‘continuity of the great work of Chávez’ does not rest on Maduro’s shoulders only. A large supporting politico-military cast of Fidel Castro devotees is key to maintaining the Communist regime in place. Above all, these powerful and dangerous functionaries admire and keenly study the Cuban regime’s ability to maintain herd control over the Cuban people while ensuring their perpetual grip on total power, all under the complacent gaze of a great part of the world.” — Diego G. Maldonado (pseudonym)

In this, our final post in the series on the Cuba – Venezuela nexus, we address the question asked in the prior installment: Cuba’s reason for these asymmetrical exchanges and contracts with astronomical profit margins is “to provide the island with needed currency. But what is Venezuela’s reason for them?”

In these posts, we’ve gotten a glimpse of Venezuela’s financial rescue of the bankrupt Cuban fiscal house. Reliable, recent figures are hard to come by and sketchy when obtained; however, most intelligence sources as well as financial publications agree that Venezuela has been Cuba’s principal source of revenue since the turn of this century. And that, at devastating financial and productivity cost to Venezuela.

But, as far as the Venezuelan regime is concerned, this devastation to the country has been well worth the pain because it has enabled the imposition of the Cuban political model onto Venezuela. A model which, above all else, maintains the rulers in perpetual power through electoral fraud, economic and social devastation, and intimidation.

As noted in other posts, the Venezuelan electoral process is “owned” by the long-dead Chavez, thereby assuring perpetuity to the state. As per Stalin, “It doesn’t matter who votes (or how many people vote), what matters is who counts the votes.” This aphorism has been vindicated time and again in Venezuela, and only cynics and fools discount it or ignore it. The effects of the collapse of Venezuela’s currency, the utter scarcity of foodstuffs, and the frightening level of crime have had the effect of propelling the largest ever emigration in Latin American history. But some have also discerned an incipient silver lining: the regime is actually talking about some electoral reforms. We’ll see.

As for the economic devastation visited on the country, Amherst Professor Javier Corrales well summarizes its purpose: “Maduro prefers economic devastation … because misery destroys civil society, and that in turn destroys all possibility to resist tyranny.” I would add that the terrible crime now rampant in Venezuela also reduces the will to resist tyranny. How effective would you be in promoting opposition to sitting politicians or filing complaints against a corrupt, unjust bureaucracy, when most of your time is focused on keeping vandals away from your front door?

Finally, to mount a truly effective opposition, the Venezuelan people would have to first overthrow a very well rooted, multi-faceted Cuban intelligence apparatus and its control accoutrements that are now pervasive. This domination pervades all civil institutions in Venezuela, even including the issuance of passports and cédulas, the Venezuelan internal passport card, without which a citizen pretty much is barred from everyday life (a powerful argument against anything even approaching this in the United States, by the way).

It betrays ignorance (and insensitivity) to minimize the deleterious impact of the cuban regiment’s experience in corralling (figuratively and literally) and demoralizing dissidence to the administrative state, i.e., the bureaucracy that was spawned with the advent of democracy in the late 40s and early 50s and has been thoroughly co-opted by the Cuba – Venezuela Nexus. Sowing fear and desperation are very valuable tools to those whose raison de e’tre is to perpetuate themselves while accumulating ever increasing power over others.

There is much more to Castro’s interest in Venezuela, an interest which predates his notoriety and which has had nefarious effects on both Cuba and Venezuela, as well as the rest of Latin America. We will touch upon this interesting and ever current subject on occasion.

Banner at Venezuela oil refinery: *Alianza Bolivariana Para Los Pueblos de Nuestra América*. A Cuba – Venezuela project seeking to integrate all Latin American countries. Other posts will address this age-old dream which actually existed during the Spanish colonial era.

All Within the State: Understanding the Cuba – Venezuela Nexus IV: Fidel’s Revenge Part II

July 13, 2021July 13, 2021 Richard Barnes

“Havana obtained and retains full access to the data of all Venezuelans, of all foreigners who reside in Venezuela, and of all industries and companies. The Cuban government knows where each of the 30 Million Venezuelans live, whether they change residences, what properties they have, if they marry or divorce, what transactions they perform, and whether they enter or exit the country. ‘Yes, everything is in Cuba, of course, the data base of all Venezuelans. From [Havana] the data base is accessed, it can be altered with added or deleted data, for instance to prohibit or allow travel….'” La Invasión Consentida, Diego G. Maldonado (pseudonym)

This is the fourth in a series of posts which seek to give an overview of Castro’s intense interest in Venezuela since before his descent from the Sierra Madre in 1958. Early on, the scent of petroleum and the power and riches it had generated for Venezuela was something he was compelled to harness to enable his hold onto power as well as to extend his influence and revolution to other countries. Success in this endeavor required that Venezuela be converted into a Cuban colony.

President Rómulo Betancourt saw and understood this immediately and, in effect, told Castro to bug off, which rejection served to intensify both Castro’s hatred towards Betancourt and his obsession with Venezuela, as manifested by numerous blood soaked guerrilla and sabotage efforts throughout the sixties. Betancourt sought to raise a multinational Latin American army to deal with Castro head on but his efforts foundered on rapidly declining health in the 70s in death in 1981.

(Incidentally, there is much evidence of Venezuelan assistance to Castro during his guerrilla wars in Cuba in the 1950s. A classic case of be-careful-what-you-wish-for. But that is a story for another day.)

Whereas Castro and his designs on Venezuela were ruthlessly blocked by Betancourt, they, however, were magnanimously and joyfully welcomed by Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro. Understanding this reality, sheds light on the grotesque yet very real anomaly of a small, poor island boasting outdated technology in every endeavor of life (save that of domestic espionage and terror) dominating and directing a country which is vastly larger, more modern, more powerful, and astronomically richer. It took over a half century to get to this point, although the denouement (1999 to the present) was very rapid. And there is no end in sight.

The absolute submission of Venezuela to Cuba is no longer a secret to the Venezuelan people, although the exact terms of the hundreds of multi-billion-dollar agreements and contracts are known to very few.

For example, incredibly, Chávez contracted the Cuban state as consultant for the operations of the country’s electrical grid. The picture is jolting: an island with a geographical area of under 45,000 square miles is hired to “technically assess and assist” a land 8 times the size of Cuba (over 352,000 square miles) including the 5th largest hydroelectric power station on earth! “In the 90s I had traveled to Cuba to give courses to a group of laborers. I would never have imagined that, a few years later, one of them would come here as my boss,” said an engineer of Corpolec (Venezuela’s electric company). “The Cubans had never seen a hydroelectric system and now they were assigned to lead the maintenance operations in Guri, the fifth largest hydroelectric plant in the world.”

Venezuela also contracted over 100,000 Cubans as “social workers” to go door-to-door to install fluorescent light bulbs in Venezuelan homes, as if Venezuelans needed strangers to teach them how to change lighting. She also agreed to purchase thermoelectric power plants from Cuba, paying astronomically for the privilege. Cuba imported these from Brazil. So, here is the picture: Venezuela and Brazil are among the world’s leaders in the production of electricity. They are neighbors. They share a border. Yet, in the infinite wisdom of Venezuela’s “Energy Revolution”, it was necessary to purchase thermoelectric plants from Cuba, who would in turn purchase them from Brazil, and export them to Venezuela.

All to which the Venezuelan people are heard to say, “Oh, yes! The Cubans are real experts! In blackouts, that is. So, if you have power, and are in need of a blackout, just call them.” Venezuelans are known to have a wonderfully crazy sense of humor. As my madrina used to say, “The Venezuelan will manage to come up with a joke while he is being strangled to death.” And that remains true through these desperate times.

Another climax of the absurd is the “Misión Cultural Corazón Adentro” (Cultural Mission) whereby 1,200 Cubans were contracted to “rescue” the Venezuelan culture. “When I arrived, I had to learn to play the cuatro so that I could in turn teach it to the people here,” said the leader of a Cuban squadron sent to Venezuela. The cuatro is a 4-stringed guitar played in various Latin American countries, including Venezuela, where it is considered the fundamental instrument of the country’s folklore. A Venezuelan group — C4 Trío — won a Grammy with a cuatro album. But it was necessary for Cubans to come, learn the Venezuelan cuatro, and then teach it to the benighted locals.

The profit margin on these contracts are astronomical, based on the few that have been obtained or leaked. That is Cuba’s reason for them: to provide the island with needed currency.

But what is Venezuela’s reason for them?

To be continued.

(As I write the above, tens of thousands of Cubans have taken to march on streets throughout the island to loudly and intensely protest the Communist regime and its tyranny. The demonstrators are wearing and waving American and Cuban flags and chanting “freedom”, “Cuba libre”, and many other such expressions of acute longing to be set at liberty. These manifestations reflect almost unimaginable courage. The regime has called its minions to “combat” and has attempted to shut down the internet and attacked the few reporters that are there. “This is why we are calling all the revolutionaries of our country, all the Communists, to go to the streets anywhere that these provocations are happening today, from now on through all these days,” Miguel Díaz-Canel, the “president” of Cuba declared late Sunday. True to form, Cuban military has already opened fire on unarmed, defenseless Cuban villagers. There are reports, albeit spotty, that over 50 demonstrators or opponents of the regime have either disappeared or been arrested. Cuba is applying the same measures they imposed on Venezuela to violently suppress the demonstrations against the Chávez and Maduro regimes and their fraudulent elections. Pray for the people of Cuba.)

Promotional poster for the “cultural mission”.

All Within the State: Understanding the Cuba – Venezuela Nexus III: Fidel’s Revenge Part I

July 5, 2021July 5, 2021 Richard Barnes

“My entry to Caracas has been more emocional than my entry to Havana, because here I have received everything from those who have received nothing from me.” — Fidel Castro, January 23, 1959, Caracas, Venezuela

As explained in the prior post, on that seemingly propitious visit, Fidel Castro was eventually Spurned by Rómulo Betancourt, who then proceeded to defeat Castro’s efforts to subvert and overthrow his democratically elected government as well as to disrupt the next elections where the Venezuelan people elected Raúl Leoni, who also successfully blocked Castro’s nefarious efforts against Venezuela.

In early 1992, Hugo Chávez led an attempted leftist military coup against the elected president, Carlos Andrés Pérez. In November of that same year, from prison, he led yet another coup attempt. Both attempts failed but not before the deaths of at least 150 people, although historians believe several hundred were killed.

Records indicate that preparations for these coups actually began in the 1970’s under former Communist guerrilla fighter, Douglas Bravo. He initiated an “infiltration” strategy with the objective of taking power via the Venezuelan military. In the early 80s, Chávez joined in this enterprise, having founded a “Bolivariano” movement with the same objectives. Such reports help explain former president Rómulo Betancourt’s concerns and his working to organize a coalition of Latin American armies to fight Castro in the 1970s. His plans never came to fruition as his health deteriorated followed by his death in 1981.

Unsurprisingly, according to officially unconfirmed reports, as well as the excellent (but poorly edited) history, El Delfín de Fidel, Castro was behind and helped organize much of this subversive activity, even placing sleeper agents in Venezuela in the late 80s to foment unrest. His intent was to use Chávez as the face of the coup so as to avoid retaliation by the United States.

By then, Castro desperately needed financial succor, as Cuba had entered its “special period” when aid from the Soviet Union had been severely reduced. Venezuelan Major Orlando Madriz Benítez reported that Castro also worked to falsely assure President Pérez that there was no truth to reports of an impending coup. Infuriatingly, but also credibly, in addition to Castro, future president, Rafael Caldera also knew of the coup. Castro and Chávez were to have ensured he would have been named interim president as had been the case with leftist Wolfgang Larrazábal after Marcos Pérez Jiménez was overthrown 34 years earlier.

This explains why Caldera pardoned Chávez in 1994, a mere two years after the coup attempts. This freed a man who at least twice had plotted to overthrow the elected government and who went to jail with the blood of many on his hands. That same year, 1994, he flew to Cuba where Castro had organized a massive reception.

And here was the inchoate, yet palpable incunabula of Castro’s inadvertently prophetic statement, “I have received everything from those who have received nothing from me.” For here, Castro and Chávez, in a firm, mutual embrace agreed to proceed on their common path of “the anti-imperialism of our era….”

By 2009, ten years after Chavez’ first inauguration, fifteen years after his pardon and portentous visit to Havana, Cuban functionaries were present throughout the whole of the Venezuelan territory as the face of multitudinous “social programs”. By then, Cuba jointly administered the Venezuelan ports (some would drop the word jointly), she had ensconced herself firmly in the army and navy and was well on her way to management of Venezuela’s internal security apparatus, including identification documents and passport control. And there is much more.

But Cuba did not do this for free. She was receiving over 100,000 barrels of oil daily, in addition to hundreds of no bid contracts for projects and services at astronomically priced rates. So great was the financial impact that as Venezuela sank from positive to negative GDP growth, Cuba rose from negative to positive.

So, Castro’s words in 1959 can be read as a prophecy of what was to come a generation later when indeed the Venezuelan people will have begun giving “everything” to Castro while “receiving nothing from” him.

However, actually, they did receive “something” from him, as we will discuss in future posts.

Hugo Chávez as unrepentant leader of a military coup, February, 1992.

Newly elected Hugo Chávez in 1998, four years after his pardon by outgoing president, Rafael Caldera (right). Chávez was inaugurated on February 2, 1999.

Fidel Castro receives Hugo Chávez shortly after the latter’s pardon by President Rafael Caldera.

All Within the State: Understanding the Cuba – Venezuela Nexus II: Spurning Fidel

June 29, 2021June 29, 2021 Richard Barnes

“What I want to say I’ll say even more forcefully. If the Castro regime continues with its policy of aggression against Venezuela and [other countries] the moment will come when those governments will lead a joint action of their armed forces by air, sea, and land to make war on Fidel Castro, on his 300 thousand militias, and on his Soviet military advisors.” — Rómulo Betancourt, papers, 1972

While it is true that Rómulo Betancourt founded the Communist Party of Costa Rica in the 1930s, it is also true that he moderated his views over the years.

That allowed him to see through and size up Castro very quickly: he must have wondered why many in Venezuela’s army leadership seemingly did not see what he saw. Vice Admiral Wolfgang Larrazábal, the leader of the military coup against Marcos Pérez Jiménez in 1958 and the provisional government’s president, was at the very least sympathetic to Fidel Castro, even giving the effusive welcome speech on Castro’s arrival in 1959. Although he vehemently denied providing weapons to Castro’s Communist guerrillas, there is much evidence to the contrary, including a letter from Fidel thanking him for his “noble gesture.”

(Although seemingly counterintuitive, the Venezuelan army was mined with leftists enamored with Communism. For example, Wolfgang Larrazábal ran for president, with Communist support. He was defeated by Betancourt. And we should not forget that Hugo Chávez himself came to prominence leading two Communist-supported army coup attempts in 1992. We in the West all-too-often unthinkingly genuflect before military leaders. We should be more cautious.)

But Larrazábal had plenty of company: Fidel was feted by many Venezuelan luminaries, including future president, Rafael Caldera, perennial presidential candidates and political leaders, such as Jóvito Villalba, and intellectual elites such as Prieto Figueroa.

President Betancourt was the only major politician in Venezuela, and very likely in all of Latin America, who understood from the start the grave danger Castro posed to national, regional, and hemispheric stability. He recognized a “gangster” who sat before him in 1959. He readily understood that this man was willing to sink his own island nation just to retain power or destroy the United States — preferably both — by any means necessary. His willingness, nay, his craving to destroy became clear to the rest of the world a few short years later during the 1962 missile crisis. This suicidal disposition is a common trait with apocalyptic dictators, including Hitler.

Betancourt, almost alone, saw this.

In 1972 he led efforts to raise a legitimate multinational Latin American army to confront Castro’s tyranny. However, this objective died along with Betancourt’s failing health and subsequent death in 1981.

But his greatest legacy also became a danger to his country and region: he not only spurned Fidel Castro, he defeated him time and again. Castro backed deadly guerrilla and army uprisings in Venezuela, including Barcelona in 1961 and Carúpano and Puerto Cabello in 1962, not to mention the very real attempts to disrupt the 1963 elections. Betancourt’s energy and vigilance ensured the defeat of all such attempts, which inflicted great loss of life and property. And profoundly angered the Cuban dictator.

We must also credit his successor, President Raúl Leoni, who acted with energy in repulsing Castro’s attacks, including an armed landing in 1967 of Cubans and Venezuelans trained in Cuba. President Leoni’s 5-year term was also attacked by Communist activists and guerrillas including yet another military coup attempt in 1966, which was quickly squashed. That same year, Leoni felt compelled to order an army search for revolutionaries in Central University in Caracas. By the end of his term, however, most subversive activity had practically ceased.

Castro never gave up on his designs on Venezuela. After Betancourt, his obsession grew apace.

In the high councils of Havana, it must have grated when another politician who saw through Castro uttered the following words upon President Betancourt’s death:

“I speak for all Americans in expressing our heartfelt sadness at the death of Rómulo Betancourt. While he was first and foremost a Venezuelan patriot, Rómulo Betancourt was an especially close friend of the United States. During the 1950s he considered the United States a refuge while he was in exile, and we were proud to receive him. We are honored that this courageous man whose life was dedicated to the principles of liberty and justice spent his final days on our shores. We join the Venezuelan people and those who love freedom around the world in mourning his death.” — President Ronald Reagan, September, 1981

It is necessary to understand the above background if one is to understand the Cuba-Venezuela nexus and the quid pro quo between Castro, Chávez, and Maduro.

To be continued.

Large crowds welcoming Fidel Castro on his visit to Venezuela, January, 1959. He was invited by Vice-Admiral Wolfgang Larrazábal, leader of the military coup against Marcos Pérez Jiménez. The crowds were composed mostly of the recently legalized Communist Party in Venezuela (Betancourt later outlawed it), but also, it must be said, many in the AD and other parties.

Father Luis Manuel Padilla holds a dying Venezuelan soldier shot down in Puerto Cabello, Venezuela, during an army uprising of leftist army personnel backed by Fidel Castro’s Cuba. It was put down by Betancourt’s army but not before 200 soldiers and 400 rebels were killed. Photo above won the Pulitzer Prize for Héctor Rondón Lovera in 1963.

Castro with Venezuelan politicians, clockwise, beginning from upper left: Wolfgang Larrazábal, Betancourt, Carlos Andrés Pérez, and Hugo Chávez.

All Within the State: Understanding the Cuba – Venezuela Nexus

June 24, 2021June 24, 2021 Richard Barnes

“All within the state, nothing outside the state, nothing against the state.” — Benito Mussolini

“Revolutions do not measure their success in terms of productivity but in terms of control.” — Diego G. Maldonado

The author of the second quote is a pseudonym for the researcher of a magisterial investigation into the relationship between Venezuela and Cuba. He remains anonymous for obvious reasons.

Venezuela’s first democratically elected president was Rómulo Betancourt, elected in 1958 and inaugurated in 1959.

In 1958, Venezuela had the 4th highest per capita GDP in the world. Its monetary policy was stable and property rights were respected and honored. To quote a Venezuelan writer: “In 1958, Venezuela became a democracy when the dictatorship was overthrown. With that came all the usual benefits of democracy such as freedom of the press, universal suffrage, and other civil rights. Unfortunately, these reforms came along with … destruction of our economic freedom.”

Fast forward to 2020 and we find Venezuela in 140th place in per capital GDP, poorer than any other Latin American country and than most other countries in the world. And that ranking is based on unreliable numbers. Judging from the massive emigration over the years, I suspect she ranks even lower.

Given the above, would you be surprised to know that Venezuela is Cuba’s principal source of income since the turn of this century?

Despite (or because of) its collapse of oil production, Venezuela in 2018 (latest available figures) purchased $440 Million of foreign crude and sent it to Cuba at a lower price (at a loss), with flexible credit conditions. According to documents obtained by Reuters, this oil was purchased “at a cost of $12 per barrel more than the price she charged Cuba despite her great need of currency to sustain her own economy and import food and medicine midst a great scarcity.”

And that has been the case since Chavez’ election.

Why? Is it all ideological? Did Chávez and now Maduro love Cuba so much that they were willing to sacrifice their own country for Cuba’s survival?

It’s a bit more complicated and yet more simple than that: it is all done for control, for power.

Shortly after Betancourt’s inauguration in early 1959, he welcomed Fidel Castro as his first foreign state visitor. From eye witness accounts, the meetings did not go well. Castro believed he had a kindred soul in Betancourt; after all the newly elected president had founded the Communist Party in Costa Rica during his exile there.

However, Betancourt was more moderate than Castro. He knew he had an army that would not look kindly on a civilian president who immediately and radically set about to thrust the country from 4th place GDP to 140th in less than a generation. Also, he rejected Castro’s request for free or heavily subsidized petroleum: “That oil is not mine to give,” Betancourt is reported to have said.

Castro was offended and angered. In the early 60s Cuba supported and fomented Communist guerrilla warfare in Venezuela, uprisings by leftist members of the Venezuelan army, and sabotage of oil pipelines and supplies warehouses. As a child I remember our family car being stopped many times by the National Guard for searches. That was a common sight throughout the country as Betancourt energetically sought to defeat his former allies. He also successfully backed the expulsion of Cuba from the Organization of American States.

Castro never forgave him and, with Chavez, he succeeded where he had failed with Betancourt.

If, as noted above, it was all done for control and power, what then was the quid pro quo between Chavez, Maduro, and Castro?

We will be writing more on this in future posts.